The Problem Goes Deeper Than We Think

Whatever our political views, once we get past this crisis in our politics, we may all get to the point of looking back and recognizing that the Trump administration helped to reveal, like a full-CT scan of our body politics, all the problems and weaknesses in the political life of our nation. But right now, we have no time now for such reflections since we face a more immediate and pressing task. We have to deepen our search for the causes of our crisis so that we have a chance to address them and find a way to a better politics. If you follow our national media, you know that there has already been a remarkable and thoughtful outpouring of ideas on how to understand and fix our politics. Our Op Ed columnists, academics, both conservatives and liberals, as well as our Presidential candidates have all been struggling to find the answers we need now as we head towards the election in November.

But, I don’t think we have gone deep enough yet. One reason for this may be that most of our candidates and public intellectuals, despite their sincere and searching efforts, are too deeply imbedded in our current politics. It is not easy for them to find a way out of this crisis from the inside, from Washington and from the other centers of influence in our current and vast system of governance. I think we might get a clearer picture of the problems and solutions with some distance from Washington and from the perspective of those of us who are not so much a part of the current way of doing things. So, here is a view far from Washington, a view from the neighborhood level, from a volunteer neighborhood leader in a small city in northern California.

As I look out my window and think about my close-by neighbors and those in the neighborhoods across my city, it is pretty easy to see the problem with our politics. We, too often, don’t know our neighbors. We are not really engaged and organized so we can take responsibility for our neighborhoods. Our attention is somewhere other than our neighborhood, on our jobs, our faith based communities, or even on the issues facing our governments. We are divided and mistrustful of each other and we rarely get to meet neighbors with different views than ours. Not many of us are actively engaged in politics at all, and if we are engaged, we are more likely to join with like-minded neighbors in an issue group, or a political party, or even a community-based organization that organizes around and advocates for issues. We organize around an issue to get our governments to do something for us. Many of us are mistrustful of our politics and we just watch from the sidelines until something happens that directly impacts us, like a plan for a new development in our neighborhood that seems to threaten our existing lives. Then we react and organize ourselves to stop something we don’t like and then pretty soon return to the sidelines, often feeling powerless and more distrustful of our governments and each other from our experience with engagement.

We all know this reality. We are living it every day. We all are tired of divisions and gridlock and we know that there must be a better way of doing things. But I don’t think we fully understand that this state of our local neighborhoods and our local politics is the root cause of our current national political crisis. We don’t understand that fixing our local politics will be a key, maybe even the key, to finding our way out of our crisis. And, finally, we don’t understand that our local communities will have to take the lead in the work to heal our communities if we are going to succeed. These are exactly the points missed by our national leaders who, even though they live all live in a neighborhood, for them it is just a place they occupy while they focus and work in a world distant from neighborhoods.

I know that the claim that our local communities are both the source of, and the answer to, our crisis may not make any sense to you. To convince you to consider these ideas, let me first tell you a little more about where this claim is coming from. As for me, I have been working as a volunteer in my neighborhood for the past ten years. I am a past president and current board member of my neighborhood association. My city, Santa Rosa, CA, has a population of about 160,000. My neighborhood, with about 5,000 residents, is the largest in the city. About ten years ago, I was also a part of a new city-wide group of volunteer community leaders who were dissatisfied with the increasingly partisan nature of our city politics and wanted to do something about it. We formed an organization, Santa Rosa Together, to work to get more citizens engaged and organized, give everyone a voice and role, and improve the way we work together in our city. Trying to achieve these goals has taken us on a remarkable journey and remarkable learning experience. We have succeeded in forming a broad and diverse group of volunteer community leaders that includes neighborhood, faith-based, minority, education and business leaders, elected officials and city and county government staff. We have been able to include everyone from conservative evangelicals to secular liberals in a common effort to build a better politics. Over the years we have gotten to know and trust each other and we have learned first-hand both the possibility and the potential of working together to meet our city’s challenges.

We have learned two main lessons from the last ten years of our work: First, we were right about our feeling that we could create a better politics. We have found that most of us living in our city are looking for a new kind of politics and we are ready to join in an effort that can bring us together and give everyone a voice and role in the city. And, second, we have learned, through the work to rebuild our politics, how deep the change will need to be to heal our city and get us all engaged and working together. We have learned just how difficult it is to try to change the current form of politics and the way of life that supports this politics. We still are convinced that it can be done because we are all looking for a better kind of politics that reflects our values, but we now realize the depth of change required and the need for us to commit to sustaining a long term effort to grow this work.

But, more later on lessons from our local work. Now, with a little background on where we are coming from, we can repeat and argue for our claim that the state of our local politics is the root cause of our current national political crisis, that repairing our local politics will be the key to finding our way out of our crisis, and, finally, that our local communities will have to take the lead in the work to heal our nation if we are going to succeed.

Understanding our claim that the divisions, mistrust, and lack of engagement in our local communities are the sources of the divisions and gridlock in our national politics is not so difficult. Because our local communities are divided, because most residents mistrustful of and not engaged in politics, and because we now have separate sources of information and “facts”, we are open to manipulation by national organizations willing to foster and maintain our divisions as the source for their power in Washington. The divisions and mistrust that are at the center of our political crisis are made possible by the divisions and mistrust that exist in our local communities. We all know this but we just haven’t focused on what we can do to actually go about changing this reality. We are still looking for better national policies on issues like health care to solve our crisis instead of dealing directly with the dysfunction of our local politics that is the source of our national crisis.

If it is true that the mistrust and lack of engagement in our local communities are the source of our national division and gridlock, than we will have to recognize that local communities will be the key to finding a way out of our crisis because they, and maybe only they, have the ability to overcome the divisions that fuel our dangerous political culture. It is the local efforts to rebuild our ability to work together in our neighborhoods and our towns and cities that we will need to restore our ability to work together as a nation. That means that will need to turn our politics upside down and recognize that local communities will have to take the lead in the work to heal our nation if we are going to succeed.

What might that local led effort to heal our nation look like? After ten years of thinking and working on this, after learning as much as we can from other cities, after learning from history, after bringing speakers from around the nation to tell us about their experiences in the work to build a better politics, here is what we have concluded. First, we need to draw on and restore our deep heritage of democratic values, our basic belief that “all are created equal”, and rebuild a local politics to better reflects these values. Second, we have to realize that democratic citizens are not born, they develop out of the values and practices that make citizens possible. Residents become citizens by practice and learning. That means to develop democratic citizens, we need to build a local politics that prioritizes the work to engage everyone, creates the opportunities for us all to get to know and respect each other, develops sources of information that we can all trust, and provides us with the opportunity to work together to find common ground. We will need to build neighborhood and community organizations that have the power and capacity to take responsibility for their communities and partner with local government to do the work of the city. If we do this, we can make our towns and cities into “schools for democracy”, places where we learn democratic skills, where we learn how to work together and where we can see, for ourselves, the power we have to create great towns and cities. These are the kinds of communities and citizens that will not easily be divided and manipulated by national organizations. They, instead, will have the power to transform our national organizations and insist that they transform their work to support a more democratic politics.

Rebuilding local democratic communities will be nothing less than a return to our democratic heritage reflected in the deepest aspirations of our founders and in Lincoln and Douglas and countless others who have followed them, and in the democratic habits of the local communities described in the writings of Tocqueville. It is a recognition that democracy requires citizens who actively participate, know how to work together, and are organized to take responsibility for the work of their communities and the nation. It would be a rejection of our current politics where we are either not engaged, or we vote to decide who will make decisions for us, or we are organized into competing camps controlled by national organizations to advocate for our governments to take actions for us. It would be a reaffirmation of the need for all of us, as citizens, to step out of our competing and partisan organizations and take responsibility ourselves to meet with our fellow citizens and find the common ground we need to work together to meet our challenges. Democracy depends on these citizens and they will be created in the values and practices of our local communities.

We will all also need to understand the history of the “when”, “how”, and “why” of our abandonment of our democratic inheritance so that we can better understand the changes we will need to make to restore our democracy. That journey will take us to the beginning of the 20th Century when our nation was being transformed by migration, industrialization, and urbanization. These great changes created a much different context for our democratic values. We needed, then, to learn then how to create the institutions and practices that could make democracy of our small towns possible in diverse urban neighborhoods. Instead, we made the  fateful decision that the world had become too complex for democracy and we would be better off relying on science and on experts and professionals to make decisions and do things for us. Now we are seeing the results of that decision with the concentration of power in a meritocracy and in our governments and NGOs doing thing for us. In this process, we have undermined the respect for the unique and valuable contributions that all citizens can bring to our public life. We have undermined the local democratic communities that are the necessary foundation for a democracy. We went from citizens organized locally to work together and solve problems, to citizens either alienated from politics or organized into competing advocacy groups led by professionals fighting for power to control our governments. Now we are seeing the end result of this fateful turn from our democratic heritage in an openly authoritarian attack on our remaining democratic norms and institutions that is supported by an alarmingly large number of our citizens.

How could we get started on the work to rebuild the local democracies we need to find a way out of our crisis. Here is a little advice based on our own very limited attempt to try this in our city.

First, bring together community leaders from all sectors who want to create a local politics that better reflects our democratic heritage and work together to create a vision for a more democratic local politics. You will be surprised to find, as we did, that leaders for this work will come from all sectors of our community. Any one of us, whatever our backgrounds, can now see the problems that have come with our abandonment of democracy. Any one of us can see that a functioning democracy is in everyone’s interest because it will create the basis for a way of life that enriches us all.

Second, work on building strong neighborhood and community organizations that have the capacity and the organization to take responsibility for our neighborhoods and city. Make sure that they are truly inclusive, dedicated to respecting everyone’s voice and role, and committed to bringing everyone together to find common ground and working together. These kinds of democratic organizations will be the schools for our democracy. They are the best means we have for tapping into the power and wisdom of engaged citizens.

Third, work to transform your local government from seeing itself as professional managers and experts who do things for citizens into a government that understands that its primary role is to support, inform, and partner with neighborhood and community organizations to do the work of the city. Our local governments know that they do not have the resources to meet city challenges, so help them understand the role they can play to get citizens engaged and build the neighborhood and community organizations that they need to partner with to get things done.

Fourth, when you are ready, demonstrate the power and potential of democracy and organized citizens by using this new approach to tackle a key issue facing your community. In our city, we chose housing as the issue to demonstrate the potential of engaged citizens and democracy to address what looks like an overwhelming problem. Learn by doing. 

Finally, a word about the most promising and perhaps most difficult aspect of our need to rebuild our local democracies: creating effective neighborhood organizations that can serve as the foundation for our national democracy. This work will require a whole new group of volunteer citizens leaders and a whole new level of citizen engagement and effort. Neighborhood leaders will be needed to organize the face-to-face discussions that we will use to overcome divisions and find common ground. More neighborhood leaders will be needed to organize the neighborhood’s volunteer work that we will need to meet city challenges, like the planning and design of affordable housing, or building temporary housing for the homeless, or volunteering on teams to help the homeless reintegrate into the community.

Some time ago, I sent a letter to my neighborhood to talk about the volunteers we would need to create a neighborhood organization that could bring people together and start taking responsibility for our neighborhood and our city. My best guess, then, based on our Association’s experience, was that to build a great neighborhood community in our neighborhood of 5,000 residents, we would need about 40 or 50 volunteer leaders organized in teams who were willing to spend a couple hours a week –occasionally more on the days of special neighborhood events. The job of these neighborhood leaders would not be to do the work for the neighborhood, but to organize and mobilize everyone in the neighborhood to come together to get something done, like a weekend event that would bring hundreds of our neighbors together to build small home for the homeless. I said, in my message, that if we can keep finding new volunteers to take their turns as an active community leader focused on our neighborhood, our volunteers wouldn’t need to make a lifelong commitment, just a commitment for a year, maybe two years. 40 or 50 volunteers may sound like a lot, but that would actually mean that only be around 2% of the adults and teenagers who live in our neighborhood would need to volunteer to take some leadership in our neighborhood in any particular year. I said then that our ability to find the volunteer leaders we need is a question of our priorities, not our capabilities.

But the fact is that my neighborhood has yet to reach this level of volunteers. We all know why: our current lives and our current way of life leaves no time for this kind of volunteer citizen participation. Our jobs, our children, our advocacy organizations, our recreation – together they all occupy us more than full time. So, it will come down to this: are we willing to shift our priorities, cut back on our jobs and our recreation to find the time to participate in the public work of our communities as citizens and citizen leaders?

We will do this if we understand the threat to our democracy of continuing on our current path. Perhaps more importantly, we will do this if we can see this as an opportunity for us to create a very special place to live and do creative work. Just imagine for a minute if we were able to create a community where we actually got to know and respect each other and were committed to working together to maintain and improve our neighborhood.  A place where people from very different political perspectives and very different backgrounds –renters, homeowners, young, old, all races and ethnicities—all treated each other with respect, listened to each other, found common ground, and worked together. We would celebrate our differences and find ways to learn from our different experiences to create new ideas and do creative projects. Wouldn’t that make our neighborhood a great place to live? And wouldn’t that be the kind of democratic community that would be an expression of our democratic ideals and aspirations?

Creating that kind of neighborhood community with engaged neighbors who know how to work together would also give us the potential to do some great work. We, us, right there in our neighborhoods, could create the nation’s first carbon neutral community, create great affordable housing that would ensure the diversity and strength of your neighborhood for the future, create great schools, build the support network that would enable seniors to stay and prosper in their homes, provide summer employment for our young people, create community gardens, build a community center for and controlled by our youth, organize an annual 4th of July parade and picnic, build a coffee shop for parents with young children to gather –you fill in the blank.

Just as importantly, working on neighborhood projects would give us a chance to escape from our hierarchical work lives to be a part of a democratic organization where we had an equal voice in determining all aspects of the work. It would be a chance for our families to work together on projects and for our children to work with us and learn how to work together in a community. It would be a community that our children would help to create and want to spend time in. And maybe a community that our children would actually want, and could afford, to stay in.

Doesn’t all that sound like an opportunity that we should grab hold of?

Yes, you are probably thinking, all that sounds good, but it is just not really a realistic alternative in today’s busy world. How could we find the time to do all that it would take to build this kind of neighborhood community? I would just say that we need to keep reminding ourselves of the difficult and essential historical lesson: democracy requires participation and we will lose it without engaged and organized citizens. Democracy provides us with the best chance to lead engaged and creative lives and it has proven through history to be the best provider of both security and prosperity, but it does have a cost. To get the benefits of democracy requires all of us to participate in its maintenance. But, that will be no problem for us since we will soon realize that the cost, the participation, is also the opportunity we have been looking for. So, the question we should ask is: Can we find a practical plan that can get us from our current fully occupied lives back to the work to create more democratic neighborhoods, neighborhoods that can both respond to our national political crisis and begin to create the kind of community, neighborhood, and way of life we can be proud of?

A Draft Speech Looking for a Candidate

(The following is a draft speech that I hope a candidate would give. It is an expression of my anxious search for a leader who can rise to the challenges that now face our nation and our democracy. This expression is by no means mine alone. It is a product of the deep understanding and faith that has grown in me as the result of ten years of working with, and getting to know, a diverse group of volunteer community leaders, from conservative evangelicals to liberal secularists, who have joined together in my small city to break down divisions and improve our ability to work together. This speech is an attempt to express the possibilities that we have found still living deep in the hearts of the citizens and the local communities of our city.)

My fellow Americans, today we face challenges that threaten the future of our democracy and our nation. It is time for us to come together as a nation, all of us across our divides, and assemble the awesome power of a democratic people to meet these challenges. It is time for us to turn these challenges into an opportunity for us to create a better nation and a better democracy, a democracy that will restore our nation’s ability to lead the world in the 21st Century. It is time for us to do again what we, as a nation, have done so often in the past. As we did when we came together to lead the world to defeat fascism. As we did when we followed the lead of our Civil Rights Movement and turned the tide on the racism of the Jim Crow era and began the long and continuing journey to justice for all. It is time for us as a nation to face our challenges and once again take the next great step in our nation’s long history of democracy.

Today, as we all participate in this process of choosing your President, we need to start by recognizing the challenges facing our communities. We need to recognize that our governments have failed too many of us too often over the past years and that it is time for us to create a new and better politics that will leave no one behind. We need to recognize the suffering and the feeling of abandonment in our rural communities, towns, and manufacturing cities left on their own to deal with the challenge of globalization. We need to recognize the suffering and feeling of abandonment in our inner-city neighborhoods and communities still devasted by the effects of racism. We need to recognize the fear felt in our immigrant communities that are questioning their welcome in our nation. We need to recognize the fear in our communities who feel like their views and beliefs have no place and no voice in our changing world. We need to choose a President that can help lead us in a national effort that will demonstrate our fundamental commitment to every community, that will demonstrate our commitment to value and respect all of our diverse nation and leave no one behind. If I am elected, we will demonstrate this commitment to leave no one behind by launching a “Marshall Plan for America” and will bring the resources, understanding, and help needed to make a difference in all of our suffering communities. We will use our nation’s resources to invest in our greatest resource, our citizens and in our citizens ability to understand each other. And, by doing this, we will begin to restore our faith and trust in each other and strengthen our ability to engage all of us in the work to meet our challenges.

My fellow Americans, let’s all be clear: we can guarantee health care to all in our nation, we can turn around the growing inequality that is undermining our democracy. We can respond to the demands of the young Americans who are challenging us to address the threats to their lives and their futures. We can respond to the Parkland students and to the climate change activists and say to them, “We will show you by our actions that we will do what is needed to address gun violence so you can feel safe in your classrooms; we will address climate change so you and your children have a secure future.”

We can and will do all these things, but to succeed, we will also need to work to create a better kind of politics, a politics that can bring us together and engage all of us in these historic efforts. As the inheritors of our democratic traditions, we all understand that we cannot unite and engage all of us if we don’t give everyone a voice and role in the work we need to do. For too many years we have allowed our respect for citizens and their capacity to be undermined. Instead of citizens, we have been convinced that we must rely on our experts and politicians, our governments and professionals to make the decisions and do the public work of the nation for us. Without hands on engagement in work to solve the problems of our nation, citizens have no chance to get to know each other and learn how to work together. That has made it easy to divide us and made it impossible to unite to address our challenges. We need to rebuild a democracy that places citizens and not experts and politicians at the center of our politics.

As your President, to begin this work to rebuild our democracy, I will do something radical. I will not assemble experts, develop policies, and tell you how we will provide health care for all, or how we will reduce gun violence, or how we will meet the challenge of climate change. Instead, I will ask your government to support a national conversation starting in our neighborhoods, faith-based organizations, schools and community organizations across the nation to begin the work to find the common ground we need to work together. Your government will ask experts to advise you and help you get the information you need to make informed decisions; it will help provide you with the opportunity to meet together and share ideas with other citizens, and we will give back to you the responsibility of citizens to do the important work to find the common ground we need to meet our challenges. This may take some time and effort, but there is no short cut to this work to restore our ability to find common ground. The result will be a stronger nation with citizens who know each other and who are united and committed to make the kind of historic efforts that can change the world. We will make democracy work again and together we will rediscover for our generation the power that only a democracy can unleash.

My fellow Americans, we know that this will be no ordinary election. We know that to begin the work to heal our nation and restore our ability to work together to meet our challenges, we must first reject a President who is working to undermine the basic institutions and the rule of law that make our democracy possible. We must reject a President who is working to cement our divisions, not heal them. As your candidate, I promise to work with all my fellow candidates, and with all Democrats, Republicans, and Independents who understands the threat of this President to our democracy, to do everything we can to ensure the record turnout we need to defeat this President, take back the Senate from the Trump party and defeat his attack on our democracy. To my fellow citizens who have supported this President, I know that you have legitimate concerns, but I ask you to consider if relying on this President who is working to divide us, rather than relying on your fellow citizens will create the change and bring the help you need. We hope you will join us in rejecting division and work with us to create a better politics that respects and can unite all of our diverse nation.

Fellow candidates, our nation will need all of us to work together before and after the election to meet the challenges we face. Let’s remember that in a democracy everyone deserves a voice and role. Everyone has important skills and ideas that we can learn from. We will need to work to ensure that there is less inequality and we will need to work to ensure that those with the least resources have an equal voice to those with the most. But, in our democracy we believe that “all are created equal” and we give everyone a voice and we value and respect everyone’s contribution. In a democracy, we don’t believe that your class or your religion, or you race or your gender or your sexual orientation determines your views. Each of us is a citizen with unique and important experiences. The only enemies in a democracy are those who try to take away or drown out the voices of other citizens. And, while I understand and respect the sincere and honest motives behind those who believe that building a working class movement is the answer to our problems, I firmly believe that this strategy is mistaken and out of place in a democracy. It is out of place because it does not treat us all as equal citizens. It is out of place because it cannot speak to the real needs of citizens that go beyond class. And, most importantly, it can never come close to bringing us together as citizens and realizing the potential of a united democratic community working together to change the world.

My fellow citizens, like it or not we now have both the heavy responsibility and the honor to work together to defeat the attack on democracy, to create a new politics that can engage all of us, and to use the unmatched power of our citizens working together to meet the challenges that threaten our nation’s future and the future of our planet. We now have the opportunity to join the great American generations who have managed with great sacrifice to accept this responsibility to preserve and improve our democracy and pass it on to future generations. As we do the same, we will ensure “…that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”

Biden vs. Sanders, an exchange with my son-in-law

(The following is an email exchange between me and my son-in-law about our differences in the California Democratic Primary. We both found this exchange revealing and very helpful. We plan to continue this conversation.)

March 1, 2020

Brendan,

I am writing this note now to get it to you in time for California Primary vote. I have been working on a message about Bernie for a week or so, but with too many pauses for treatment to finish. It is a complicated issue and that has been difficult to write about, so I am afraid this attempt may not be the clearest. But, hopefully, this will be better than nothing. I know there a many unknowns and gaps in the information anyone would need vote wisely, so if we end up differing, you may well be on the right side. So just read this as part of your analysis and use it only as you think appropriate. We can look forward to continuing this discussion in the future.

To start with Bernie: I must say that I think I know him pretty well. We are close in age, a product of the sixties and even fifties, and a part of the movement back then. Bernie adopted a class struggle approach to politics that has remained his bedrock world view since then. As you know, for complicated reasons that I will tell you about in the longer piece I am writing on Bernie, I took a different turn and replaced Bernie’s class struggle world view with democracy. So, when it comes down to it, my basic problem with Bernie is the very uneasy combination in his thinking of the ideas of democracy and socialism, his democratic socialism. Unraveling the problem with this combination is the hard part for me since it has so many sides that I have yet to explain effectively.

But the issues were in plain sight and can be described to start just by comparing the Biden and Sanders speeches the night of the SC primary. If you haven’t seen the videos of the Clyburn endorsement of Biden and the Clyburn introduction of Biden and Biden’s victory speech, and Sander’s speech the same night, please try to watch them. They pretty much contain the differences I am talking about and trying to explain. Clyburn’s endorsement and intro are some of the best testaments to democratic and Christian values that I have ever heard.

Here are the differences that I see. Biden and Clyburn are talking about restoring the good in our nation, the deep basic goodness –Clyburn even quoting De Tocqueville– of the historic American democratic culture. It is a message of democratic inclusiveness built on the character of the American people from all walks of life and all communities. Biden highlights the remarkable power of the forgiveness and the grace of the survivors of the Emanuel AME Church shooting in Charlestown to transform the city. The same church where he and his family found solace and rebirth after the death their son. In a way this is a conservative message, calling for the restoration of values that Trump is devastating. And, in a way, it is a liberal call for a fulfillment of our nation’s long commitment to caring for all. So, overall, the Biden/Clyburn strategy of restoring and uniting all Americans around our deep democratic culture, using American goodness to defeat Trump and to transform the nation. This is a message that has broad appeal across all sectors of the nation. It seems to me to be the strongest and best strategy to defeat Trump. It is also the appeal to unity that fits perfectly with all the rights movements which are not class based: the women’s and me-too movements, Latino rights, LGBT rights. Bernie has now staffed up to appeal to these groups, but this has been secondary to his working class strategy that has really been the center of his life for 50 years.

And, I can’t help but note that the leadership for this message is coming from elder black American’s who are steeped in the history of struggle and have made a study of how to change the world from the perspective of those left out. It comes from the most sophisticated of our citizens who have been engaged in this struggle for so long. It is exactly the same message that Elijah Cummings had for the nation and would have if he were still alive. I am worried for our nation when we lose the wisdom of these aging elders.

There is a reason that Bernie did not get the support of these elders and their communities in South Carolina. And there is a reason he did not get the Black vote in Nevada. Bernie talks mostly about building a work class movement as the solution to our problems. Because he believes this, he has never prioritized the building of the ties and done the work to impress these elders. Biden has done that work throughout his life.

So, let’s look at Bernie’s speech on the night of the SC Primary to see it compares. His basic message is still the need to build a working class movement to take back the country from powerful corporations and the wealthy. He believes that the way to build this working class movement is to offer a platform that can excite people and get them to turn out for the upcoming election. He actually calls on all his young supporters to reach out to the working class and get them involved. (Reminds me exactly of Helen’s and my efforts to join the working class and build the movement back in the day.) Bernie also talks about engaging young people and much of his platform focuses on their specific needs. Under 35 is his base and he appeals to that base with bold policies to address their needs and the needs of the working class. This is not a call for a broad unity based on more universal democratic values, values that can, I believe, speak in a different way and more effective way to economic class issues. Bernie’s class struggle worldview tends to say that your class determines your view, so this is a battle of working class vs ruling class. How many middle class people will wonder if they are part of the target, especially as Trump makes this point over and over again, as he will?

So, I guess my basic argument is that our democratic culture and it values are a stronger and a deeper force to appeal to than Bernie’s working class movement. I think that is why our most sophisticated voters, black voters who understand this are behind Biden. That is exactly what they said in South Carolina.

Bernie said something else important and very telling in his speech. He talked for some time about how the establishment was now getting very worried about his campaign, including the Democratic Party establishment. If the Democratic party establishment is getting worried, then he is saying they are a part of, or bought off by, the wealthy. Wow, that is not the way to build the unity we will need. He is basically saying that the loss in South Carolina is the result of the black community being somehow corrupted by the ruling class. He repeats this kind of charge every time he criticizes all the other candidates who have accepted contributions from billionaires despite the $2,800 dollar contribution limit. He seems like he is going to be willing to risk party unity to build his movement and rely on his ability to build a stronger working class movement to replace the current party leaders. No wonder all the down state candidates are worried.

Maybe I should just stop there and see what you think, because, despite the value of the above, things are actually more complicated than that. Yes, I do think that the democratic party establishment has lost touch with the needs of working people. The party has become a party of elite political and policy experts developing policy in Washington that inevitably ends up serving, if unintentionally, the needs of the intellectual and professional class, not average people. This class of politicians and experts believe that their success will allow them to serve the working class better, but it hasn’t really. Too many communities have been left behind and feel left out. This feeling of being left behind goes beyond economics to include communites that feel a cultural alienation and that don’t see their values reflected in the commercial and individualistic dominant culture of our nation, like our Evangelicals.

So, you might wonder why Bernie doesn’t appeal to me because I am also anti-establishment. There are two reasons: first, because Bernie’s strategy seems to me to be less capable of defeating Trump –it would be better to build on the strong unity of our democratic values than on a weaker working class strategy.  And, second, because I think it will be easier to undermine the current democratic party establishment by building on democratic values that Biden promotes. The critique we can use to change the party leadership is build right into our democratic values. In other words, a lot of the real reform we need will be easier with a Biden victory based on democratic values than a Bernie victory based on the values of a working class movement.

To explain that I will have to get even more complicated. The fact is that Bernie’s working class world view never really did fit easily with a democratic world view. Bernie also, like most leaders of class struggle, has an elitist streak. He is not afraid to develope the policies that the workers need and take them to the workers. He is not really allowing policies on all kinds of issues, cultural and economic, to come from the bottom up as they would in a democracy. And all movements, including Bernie’s working class movement, as well as all of our partisan struggles, require organization and discipline that don’t really fit well with democracy. Do you think Bernie when in power will do anything but mobilize his movement to try to get things done? He will not be good at building partnerships or providing opportunities for reaching out to incorporate ideas from outside his movement. Movements succeed with discipline and with a win/lose attitude towards opponents. So, I don’t see much chance for him to succeed in implementing his plans and certainly not much chance to build on democratic values that require decentralization and citizens themselves meeting to find common ground that are all necessary for democracy to work. Obama made the same mistake when he turned his broad election apparatus into a support organization for his agenda. It died out. I suspect that Bernie will try to replace the current elitist establishment of the party with his own “progressive” establishment and it will not be any less elitist and maybe more challenging to our basic values of democracy than Biden’s and the Black leaders’ pledge to maintain and build our democratic values of justice and inclusion.

Now my final complication: Bernie’s socialism. Let’s start with some definitions.

Communism: state ownership of the means of production, maximum state power, led by a party holding all power until the working class can be mature enough to let the state die out. This never happens, and the party becomes a dictatorship until overthrown; China, North Korea, Soviet Union. This is not Bernie; he condemns authoritarianism, mostly, but sees some value in things it can accomplish.

Democratic socialism: this is harder to pin down since it varies a lot in terms of the role of the state in controlling the means of production. The range can cover nations with relatively week states and a dominant private sector controlling of the means of production. This is more like us in the U.S., maybe better called democratic capitalism. Then there is the democratic socialism with stronger state control that includes the social democratic states of Europe with the best examples in Germany and the Scandinavian nations, and our beloved Denmark that we visited together. These states thrive on strong state control of private production. And they have, or used to have, a stronger democratic culture that restricts inequality, which is very different from the culture that our elitists have used to undermine democracy with their worship of talent and expertise in a meritocracy.

With all this said, the problem with Bernie is that he is really unclear about how much power his state would need to implement of all of his programs. He does not talk about the need to decentralize and devolve power that a democracy requires, things that are required to prevent the development of a new and powerful state elite. I think this is just another by product of his central class struggle world view. He just believes that winning the class struggle battle will solve all of our problems, both economic and social. And that leaves him unprepared to resist the continuing weakening of democracy that would come from a new, or another, elitist state.

The fact is that the liberal and conservative terms as we use them don’t really adequately describe our world and our needs anymore. Liberal, in the US, has come to mean a strong state to control capitalism; conservative means strong private sector to control authoritarian states. Neither really talks about decentralization and democracy to control both the liberal and conservative tendency to the concentrate power and form elites.

And, finally, Bernie is threatening to undermine the effort to defeat Trump by talking about breaking his alliance to the Democratic Party. How far will he go to maintain his working class focus and risk a Trump reelection?  Could he actually risk losing because he sees only a difference in degree between Trump and the Democratic establishment that he believes is controlled by the wealthy? He denies this but doesn’t he sow doubt in the minds of his supporters every time he talks about the “establishments”. As a result, I am afraid too many of them may decide that they cannot vote for the “establishment” person who defeated their hero.

In summary, the best way to beat Trump and to set the stage for the deeper transformation we need, is to build on the deep tradition of American democratic values, not on class struggle. This means electing Biden and building on his democratic values to create functioning local democratic communities that can rebuild our democracy and replace our top-down meritocracy. Not as easy as voting for change, but proven to be more effective in communities like Charleston.

Love, Hank

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March 1, 2020

Hank,

Just finished reading your message. And I can’t thank you enough for the intense time and thoughtfulness that went into it. It really is a privilege to be on the business end of this amount of care. I appreciate it massively. 

Everything you write makes heaps of sense. I hear your concerns about a Bernie administration’s ability to lead. And I had not considered the lack of bottom-up problems that he and Obama would and did face. I see many of your points clearly, but the only thing that doesn’t compute for me how you land on Biden.

My Bernie support back in 2016 came from the fact that, in my lifetime, there had never, ever, ever been a candidate whose rhetoric matched so exactly my beliefs. Maybe Dennis Kucinich. Maybe Paul Wellstone. But Obama, Clinton, the other Clinton, John Kerry, and even Al Gore were all so very neo-liberal, incrementalistic, wrong-headed (publicly) about no-brainer social issues like gay marriage and just out-and-out cautious, that the Democratic party quickly came to feel like the Party of No Ideas. It always seemed like Republicans acted like Republicans, and Democrats acted like Republicans, and no one was acting like us.

So, for my entire life, the two party system was a choice between the Party of Bad Ideas and the Party of No Ideas. Until Sanders came along and actually said things that contained ideas. Who said, in the 1980s, the heart wants what it wants. We all knew it was true, but he wasn’t cautious and obfuscating. He said what was true and he said what was just. That was game changing for me. It felt like I was dreaming. Suddenly, as his 2016 race took shape, this country felt like it had a place for me, for the first time in all of my then 41 years.

Kelly Anne Conway was on a talk show shortly after the election. She knew the audience was hostile towards her and she turned to them and said, “okay, name one thing Hillary Clinton believed in and stood for.” There was a silence from the audience. “See?” she said to the host. Awful as she is, she had a hell of a point in that moment. Hillary just said, “I’m qualified. Give me the job. If you want to know what I believe, sift through the whitepapers deep in my website.” Above all her strategy was: don’t be controversial. Just be qualified. But the problem is that doesn’t win elections anymore. On that same score, I can’t think of a policy stance Joe Biden has taken, besides his own experience. Seems like he too is going the non-bold, uncontroversial, focus-grouped-to-oblivion route.

And that way madness lies. 

One thing wins nationwide general elections: emotion. The DNC’s tired strategy of disenfranchising those most passionate, and nudging the rest towards getting enthusiastic about beige is exactly the wrong thing to do while we have a stadium insult comic in the White House.

My biggest complaint is that, left to its own devices, the Democratic Party always finds the most sophisticated and elegant way possible to lose. This time, it is by betting on centrism. Once again, like when Joe Lieberman intoned about “the loooord” throughout his VP announcement, and Tulsi Gabbard and Pete Buttigieg kept harping on how holy our blessed military is, the Democrats are trying to seem as Republican as possible. Because god forbid anyone around here have an idea. Joe Biden came out strong as a Centrist and planted his flag firmly wherever the Republicans had set the center that month. I’ve always loved the guy but it was that key early strategic blunder that just blew it with me. The New York Times headline writers do the same thing. Wherever the Republicans have placed the center that week, that’s where they report from. As a result, it has become crystal clear to me that the Democratic Party, especially those that have devoted their life to it, like perhaps allthe establishment endorsers of Biden’s campaign, are seeing nothing but trees while the forest is eating them alive. They are entrenched, they are ensconced and they are terrified, and the last thing they want to do is try anything different. They’d rather lose in a familiar way than win with ideas. They’ll still have their careers, and it’s easier to be the opposition.

But it’s time to actually lead. It’s time to have actual ideas. The way you move the needle is with a gigantic opening salvo. Medicare for All! Close all private prisons! Starting from there, we might actually get somewhere towards justice. But starting from “well, gee, it’s probably going to cost too much. Let’s just start from a pre-compromised position with the criminally-insane Republican Party and see if they’re willing to listen to reason.” The problem is that Republicans eat their young at this point, they only understand brute force. The way I see it, when wifi was invented, the world bent over backwards to get it installed everywhere. The same is true for these big ideas. When the spark is lit, humans find a way. The only costly thing is political will.

For me, the Democratic establishment, filled with people that don’t blink at $45 entrees, needs to be shaken out of their coma and shown in no uncertain terms that while they successfully disenfranchised Generation X out of needing ideas from their leaders, they will not do so with the Millenials and GenZ. I frankly thrill at the handwringing of the center, because finally it means the plutocracy-perpetuating institutions are nervous. 

And this feels like our only chance! No one is going to stay home in November, not with this guy in the White House. So we might as well get bold. If we don’t now, we never will. Now is the time to yank the country to the left after 4-5 decades of a systematic rightward lurch. No matter who the nominee is, the drumbeat will be loud and Trump will force even ambivalent people to the polls. The only way people would stay home is if Bernie gets all the delegates and then Tom Perez brokers the convention and gives it to Biden. That would be the end for all of us. If the superdelegates steal the election from Bernie (or Warren?) and hand it to Biden unfairly, I will unregister as a democrat and maybe never follow national politics again. 

I feel very passionately that it’s our duty in the primary to vote for the candidate with whom we agree the most, and not try to quarterback or estimate electability. To do otherwise would threaten to condone the entrenching of elites. If Joe Biden is our candidate come November, boy howdy will I vote for him with gusto, the same way I voted for Hillary. But it would be a dereliction of my citizenship to vote for him tomorrow. I took a quiz on the Washington Post website. It said that I agreed with Sanders and Warren on 14 points and with Biden on 2. That’s hard to argue with.

Having grown up around the movement, going to marches and demonstrations my whole life, and being imbued with liberal values I deeply believe in, I have to admit I feel betrayed by the generation above me that is now fleeing rightward en masse, toward the center. I find it shocking, and strange, and upsetting. I feel as though I have been sold a bill of goods. I am having a hell of a time squaring the circle of my upbringing and the narrative of the Movement 60’s, with the boomers’ wholesale rejection of the liberal candidate of a lifetime. I would genuinely love your help making sense of this, because it comes with a personal level of hurt for me.

Ultimately, and here’s the punchline, I’m leaning hard towards Elizabeth Warren. I totally hear you about the shrill cacophony of Bernie’s march, and that it is not uniting. I don’t blame Bernie for that though. I blame the extremely centrist headline writers at the New York Times for torpedoing him as much as they can, because he so threatens their $45 entrees. It is a concern, nonetheless.

Warren has all the right values, is not a Centrist, would be a brilliant decision-maker, would be palatable to a wide swath, would be just the liberal injection we need, would be the first female president, would destroy Trump in a debate (not that he’ll actually debate), would probably be collaborative and democratic in the way you’re looking for, is still a capitalist but could fix our system, and would provide us a way to meet in the middle. How about a compromise: how about we both vote for Elizabeth Warren?

Thank you for your letter, it’s a privilege to be able to articulate these feelings.

And I will sleep on it.

Love,

Brendan

Citizens, it is up to us to save our democracy

I am a volunteer neighborhood leader in a small city in northern California. For the past ten  years, I have been a part of a group of community leaders who have been working to overcome divisions and improve our ability to work together here in our city. We have been able to create a non-partisan organization that has united all sectors of our community, from conservative evangelicals to liberal secularists, in a common effort to create a better kind of politics in our city. Based on this experience and with a determination to find a way to respond to the growing divisions in our nation, we have a message for you, for citizens like us across the nation.

First let’s all admit the stark facts: too many of us are now divided into adversarial camps with separate sources of information and different leaders working to cement our divisions. Our trust in each other and in our public institutions is low and declining. Our division and the mistrust have made it impossible for us to find the common ground we need to meet our challenges both at the local and national levels. We are unable to help our communities devastated by globalization, unable to address the concerns of our youth including the challenges of gun violence and climate change, unable to create a fair and comprehensive immigration policy or agree on a way to overcome past and current injustices and make everyone feel valued and welcome in our nation.

Fellow citizens, we know that these facts and the current gridlock in our governments are the result of the divisions in our communities and the adversarial camps that we have willingly joined. We know that too many of our current leaders are working to maintain these divisions as a part of their strategy to stay in power. It is time for all of us to take responsibility for this crisis, to step out of our camps, our parties, our interest or issue groups, and take on, in a fuller way, our role as citizens. It is time for us, as citizens, to meet with those who differ from us and work to find the common ground we need to meet our challenges. We don’t have to give up our beliefs and our values; we just need to take on the responsibility ourselves for finding ways to meet, share ideas, and get to know other citizens outside our camps.

Most importantly, we need to take these opportunities to meet with those who differ with us to begin the work to find the common ground we need to get things done –the common ground that our leaders are telling us does not exist. This work to find common ground is the responsibility of all citizens in a democracy. It is the work that we gave up when we organized ourselves, or got organized by leaders, into camps and delegated our responsibilities to distant leaders. This is the work that can restore the fundamental requirement for a democracy: citizens themselves taking responsibility for and engaging in the work to find common ground. When we take up this work, we will reconfirm our belief in our founders’ declaration that “all are created equal”. We will reconfirm our belief that all of us have unique and significant lives that deserve to be respected and that working to include everyone’s voice will give us the best chance to meet our challenges.

And more than this, we will need to use the common ground we will find to demonstrate by our actions that we can work together meet our challenges. We need to demonstrate to ourselves that we can solve our affordable housing crisis; we can find ways to reduce gun violence; we can do something about climate change, and more. It will not be easy to meet any of these challenges, but we will show once again that communities working together in a democracy can accomplish great things. And, it is exactly the experience of working together and getting things done that will really give us a chance to get to know each other and deepen our respect for each other’s gifts and our great diversity. It will re-establish our bonds as fellow citizens that cannot be broken by those seeking to divide us.

The best place for us to take on this fuller role as citizens right now may be in our local communities, in our towns and cities, our neighborhoods, in our schools, our faith-based and community organizations. These are the places where we can meet our neighbors face-to-face, get beyond the partisan labels, get to know each other, and learn how to work together.

Are you skeptical about our ability to find common ground? Are you unsure about our ability to listen to and learn from each other? Do you wonder if we share common values deep down? If we want to maintain our democracy, we have to take on the responsibility now to find the answers to these questions. Our willingness to take on this responsibility to reach out and rebuild our communities may be the only way out of crisis that we now face.

If your community is like ours, as you begin this work you will find that most everyone is looking for a better and more democratic politics that can bring us together and get things done. Listen to their good ideas, share yours, and you will discover, like us, that there is a wide lane of common ground that will let you accomplish great things right in your neighborhood. And, if you are like us, you will also find that sharing common ground without having the organizations that will allow citizens to work together will not suffice. So, join and spend some time helping build the community and neighborhood organizations that will be the key to engaging everyone in public work. Remember, if you are interested in climate change, housing, homelessness, gun violence, immigration, or any other pressing challenge, then doing the work to build your neighborhood organizations and your city’s ability to work together may be the most important thing you can do. This is the work that will develop the common ground, the commitment, and the engagement we need to meet all our challenges.

If we work together now and relearn how a democracy can work in all of our towns and cities, then we will gradually be able to find and elect representatives who understand this and will know how to restore our ability to work together in Washington. Let’s resolve to make 2020 a year of hope and healing, starting in our neighborhoods, towns, and cities.

A New Year’s Resolution for Our Politics in 2020

This message was co-written by Lawrence Lehr, co-chair of Santa Rosa Together and Hank Topper

We, suspect that most Americans, like us, are experiencing a deep anxiety about the current state of our politics. Despite the fact that we know that we are a nation full of talented and decent people, despite our resources and great potential, for too many years we have not found a way to come together to get anything significant accomplished. We feel powerless in the face of the serious challenges facing our nation.

Wouldn’t it be great if we could make a New Year’s Resolution for 2020 that would help us overcome our divisions and find the common ground we need to meet our challenges? Here, in a small city in northern California, we may have figured out a New Year’s Resolution that could get us started on a path to do just that. Ten years ago, a group of neighborhood and community leaders here in our city noticed that our local politics was getting too partisan and we decided to do something about it. We formed a volunteer organization of community leaders from all parts of our city and set about the work to get more of our residents engaged, give everyone a voice and role, and improve the way we work together in our city. The first thing we learned when we got started is that almost everyone across the political spectrum from conservative evangelicals to secular liberals supported our goals and wanted to help. Over the years of working and meeting together, our diverse group of volunteers have gotten to know each other and we have developed strong relationships that have enriched all of our lives. We have, together, gone about the work of developing our city’s potential to get things done: we have held countless face-to-face conversations to help get people engaged and we have organized many city-wide neighborhood meetings to give people a chance to get to know each other across the city. We have worked to strengthen neighborhood organizations and we have organized conversations on key issues throughout the city in faith-based organizations and neighborhoods to give more people a voice. We have worked to make everyone feel respected and valued as a member of our community.

Now, with our growing ability to work together, we are just beginning to sense the potential that we have to in our city to get things done. We are poised to launch our first ever neighborhood-based planning process to build affordable housing. This bottom-up planning process will allow us to share housing fairly across the city, give neighborhoods the opportunity to design and locate the housing that fits with and strengthens their communities, and build the city-wide consensus that will enable us to actually meet our housing needs. If we succeed, we will experience the power that a more democratic politics will give us to meet our challenges and to aspire to create a great city. If we succeed, you will hear more about us as our reputation as a city that gets things done grows.

So, consider this for a New Year’s resolution: Let’s all step out of our partisan and issue-focused organizations and spend some time getting to know our neighbors, especially our neighbors who have different views than ours. Listen to their good ideas, share yours, and you will discover, like us, that there is a wide lane of common ground that will let you accomplish great things right in your neighborhood. Join and spend some time helping build the community and neighborhood organizations that will be the key to getting to know each other and engaging everyone in public work. You could also help form a volunteer city-wide organization to support and coordinate the work across your city or town to get your neighborhoods organized and to develop the opportunity for city-wide conversations to find the common ground you will need to get things done. If you are interested climate change, housing, gun violence, immigration, or any other pressing challenge, then doing the work to build neighborhood organizations and your city’s or your town’s ability to work together may be the most important thing you can do. This is the work that will develop the common ground, the commitment, and the engagement we need to meet all our challenges.

Of course, focusing on strengthening the ability to work together in the places we live does not mean that the upcoming national elections are not extremely important. We all need to think deeply and choose wisely, and even try conversations across party lines if we can, to ensure that those we elect are committed to helping us overcome the divisions that are paralyzing our nation. But, our divisions will not be solved by our elected officials alone. The fact is that we have gotten ourselves into our current political crisis because we have, too often, let our national parties define our neighbors for us and keep us divided as a part of their electoral strategies. We have let experts and governments make decisions and do everything for us, so we have lost the ability to organize ourselves and get to know each other by working together in our local communities. We have lost our ability to tap into everyone’s energy and ideas to solve problems. If we work together now and relearn how a democracy can work in our towns and cities, then we will gradually be able to find and elect representatives who understand this and will know how to restore our ability to work together in Washington. Let’s resolve to make 2020 a year of hope and healing, starting in our neighborhoods, towns, and cities.

Love Message to the People of Hong Kong

As a volunteer neighborhood leader and a democratic activist in the United States, I want to express my strong support for your efforts to maintain and strengthen democracy in Hong Kong. Your work is inspiring me and democratic activists around the world. I feel personally  connected to your struggle since many years ago, my young children, my wife and I had an opportunity to live and work in China. Through this experience, we got to know many remarkable people, made lasting friendships, and developed a deep respect for the history and culture of China. We always entered and exited China through Hong Kong and we grew to love, and still love, your city and its great vitality.

My experience of life in China also helped me appreciate the freedom and democracy in my home. This experience contributed significantly to my subsequent life-long commitment to rebuilding democracy here in the United States. I came to understand and now share with you the understanding that democracy is essential both to individual freedom and to the prosperity and health of our cities and nations.

I am certainly not qualified and would never attempt to give you any advice on how to conduct your struggle. But, what I can do that you might find useful is help you understand the state of democracy in the United States, counter some of the propaganda about us spread by the CPC, and clear up some of the confusion and doubts you must have about our commitment to democracy given the obvious authoritarian tendencies of our current President. Hopefully you can learn a little from our current experiences, as we are learning from yours.

Speaking as an American democratic activist, I can assure you that we still do have a democracy in the United States. As my ability to write this to you without any fear of reprisal demonstrates, we do still have freedom of speech. And, we do still have the rule of law, the right to vote, a free press, and strong democratic institutions and norms. Most of us are deeply aware that our democracy is a gift given to us by the sacrifices and even lives of countless individuals from the founding of our nation to today. We are proud that we now have, as a result of our recent and ongoing struggles against all forms of racism and discrimination, the ability to include many of our citizens previously excluded from fully participating in our democracy. And, we know, now more than ever, that it is ours, only if we can keep it. The propaganda of the CPC that our democracy is just a false cover for capitalist domination has never accurately described us. While business interests have sometimes been too powerful, their influence has always been met successfully with opposition from other parts of our nation in our ongoing struggle to create a free and just nation.

But it is also true, beyond question, that our democracy is now in a weakened state. It is threatened and under attack by our own authoritarian President and his Party and by foreign powers working to undermine democracy. I won’t try to list all of the facts that prove that our democracy is weak and threatened, but only point out the most telling fact that up to 40% of our citizens now seem to have lost faith in the fairness of our democratic institutions and are currently supporting our own President’s efforts to undermine our democracy. You must find it very strange that the citizens of the nation that first developed a democratic constitution and still has a functioning democracy, would willingly consider abandoning their democracy. You, in contrast, have the support of most of your citizens but lack the democratic laws and institutions that you need to protect your freedom. Perhaps this is because we, unlike you, no longer have the direct experience of living without democracy to remind us of the gift we were given. We don’t envy your position, but we are envious of the clarity that your experience affords you. We are looking to you to help us regain this clarity.

And, maybe, if I could help you understand how we ended up with our democracy under threat, it might help you avoid this same fate in the future. The story of how we allowed our democracy to be weakened is, of course, long and complex. But, the essence of the story will seem very familiar to you since you are well acquainted through your history with the concept of meritocracy. Here, from the perspective of a democratic activist, is our story. Early in the 20th Century, in a rapidly changing world of industrialization, urbanization, and immigration, we began to rely more and more on experts, our new university-trained professionals, to manage our modern complex world. We began to view democracy as an outdated idea suited only to a smaller and less complex world. The participation of citizens in public life was reduced to voting in periodic elections to choose professionals to make decisions for them. We abandoned, and not without struggle, the belief in our founders’ declaration “that all are created equal.”  We abandoned the belief that each individual has a unique and valuable experience and a unique contribution to offer to public life that only a democracy has the ability to include. We, gradually, developed into a meritocracy of equal opportunity instead of a democracy that respects and gives a voice and role to all. This led inevitably to growing inequality as our professionals rewarded themselves and to alienated citizens left without the experience in governance they needed to protect democracy. It left citizens divided from each other and ripe for manipulation by a leader promising to solve problems for them.

Now, democratic activists here in the U.S. are faced with the daunting task of rebuilding our democracy and restoring our democratic values. We are applying the hard lesson of history that democracy requires and thrives only with engaged citizens and are now working to develop ways to reengage citizens and create a more democratic politics at the local level in our towns and cities. We are rebuilding and empowering neighborhood and community organizations so that we all have the opportunity to get to know each other and learn how to find common ground and work together. We are developing new practices that can engage citizens to make decisions and be part of public work, new forms of government that support citizen engagement, and a new role for experts as valued advisors of citizens and not as decision makers. It will take a long time for us to rebuild our democracy and relearn the skills we need to resist those who want to undermine our work, but we will persist and we will live up to our democratic heritage.

We hope that our work will convince you that our commitment to democracy is still strong. And we might very humbly suggest that you consider our experience and find a way to develop the organizations and practices that can not only engage citizens in opposing attacks on democratic rights, but also engage them in the work of governance so that they can develop the skills they need to maintain the gains they make and so that they can add their experience and effort to public work. If you and we can do that, we will succeed in unleashing the power and energy of engaged citizens that is only possible in a democracy. As we work here to rebuild our democracy, we will be watching you and we will continue to be inspired by your efforts.

This Is the Speech I Am Hoping to Hear from a Democratic Presidential Candidate

My fellow Americans, today we are a nation divided. The level of trust in each other and in our public institutions has reached record low levels. Because of our deep divisions, your federal government is gridlocked and unable to address the serious challenges we face. We have growing levels of inequality in our nation with some prospering while others are left behind without basic health care or meaningful employment. Because we are divided, we no longer share common sources of information and the same basic facts, making it difficult for us to talk to each other and impossible to find the common ground we need to work together. We have no plan to address the threat of climate change or gun violence. And perhaps even more importantly, our democracy, the democracy that is supposed to give everyone an equal voice in the direction of our nation, is now dominated not by citizens but by the powerful and wealthy. And because we are so divided and vulnerable, hostile nations are now working to manipulate and influence our elections. And, as if that were not enough, we now have a President who thrives on division and works to further divide us and undermine the values and institutions of the very government that we need to meet our challenges.

These threats to our democracy call for something new from all of us. It is time for us in the Democratic party to put aside our partisanship and speak for all Americans. We have got to be for now the party of unity, healing, and change. We have got to be the party that can lead a united effort of Democrats, Independents, and Republicans to restore our basic ability to work together. We will continue to cherish our great diversity of ideas and our disagreements, but at this moment in our history, we are called to unite around the protection of our deepest democratic values, our constitution, and the democracy that makes our disagreement possible.

If I am elected President, I will call on all of our citizens to join a broad non-partisan effort to heal our nation and together we will meet our challenges head on by doing the following:

First, we will call on all of our community organizations, schools, and faith-based institutions across our nation to reach out to groups that differ from them to give us all a chance to get to know each other and build bridges across our divides.

Second, we will launch a major “American Marshall Plan” to address the needs of all of our communities left behind and left out to demonstrate by our actions that in our democracy we respect and value every part of our nation and will “leave no one behind.”

And, third, we will develop a national consensus and implement plans developed by our citizens to address health care, climate change, and gun violence. To do this, we will bring panels of citizens together to work with experts to assemble and provide us all with shared information on the facts and the options we need to address these issues. We will organize face-to-face discussions in our schools, neighborhoods, and faith-based organizations to give us all a chance to get to know and learn from each other and find the best ways to address these issues. Then, we will organize city, state and national citizens’ congresses to provide the opportunity to collect ideas from across the nation and find common ground on a plan to address these issues. Through all this, we will take whatever steps are necessary to ensure that money and special interests will have no privileged role in these citizen discussions. Finally, we will take the outcome of these deliberations to our Congress and pass the legislation we need to address these challenges. Working together, all of us, in this process will give us a chance to get to know and learn to respect each other and restore our ability to find the common ground we need to get things done. And, we will begin to learn once again how to put citizens back to the center of our politics.

Fellow Americans, citizens and future citizens, we are under attack from within and from without. We need to face these challenges head on and we need to build a different kind of politics to do that. Our divisions and mistrust and the state of our democracy leave us no choice. Bold plans for new policies that come from Washington won’t solve our problems since we are too divided to trust the messengers. We need to do more than “return to normal” since our normal for too long has been division and mistrust. Today we are all unsure how to act since our regular way of understanding the world does not work. What we need now is something different that will help us address our more fundamental problems. We need to renew the values first set by our democratic revolution and rebuild a democracy that fits today’s world. Restoring our democratic values, putting citizens back at the center of our politics and regaining our ability to work together is our task today. Our victory in this struggle will keep alive the great experiment that started with our bold declaration that “all are created equal.” We will demonstrate once again to the world and to ourselves, the immense power of engaged and united citizens that only a democracy can unleash.

(I finished this essay a couple weeks ago but since then I have been struggling with a feeling that I may have missed something important. Now I realize that, while this is the speech I wish a candidate would give and believe in, I now can see something what I knew all along: none of our candidates will ever give speech like this. They all share a basic political worldview that makes putting citizens at the center of our politics impossible for them to conceive. Our candidates can develop policies for us that they think speak to our needs, but they don’t understand the value, even necessity, of engaging citizens and giving them the power to develop and implement the policies they need. That can only mean that our democracy is in very deep trouble. And it means that restoring our founders’ vision of democracy will have to come from the bottom up with new leaders who will come out of our local efforts to rebuild a democracy. How long will it take for us to produce leaders who might give a speech like the one I proposed?)

Hank Topper, past president and current board member, Junior College Neighborhood Association, Santa Rosa, California

The Policies We Need that our Candidates and Pundits Won’t Discuss

Most of us, including many who voted for Trump in 2016, know, in our hearts, that impeaching or defeating Trump will not be enough to heal the divisions in our nation. We know that Trump’s election was a symptom of deep underlying problems and we know that we won’t get out of this crisis until we have found a way to address these problems. My concern, my fear, is that we do not yet have a good enough understanding of the underlying causes that produced Trump, and, as a result we do not have an adequate plan for addressing them. I live in a small city in northern California where a diverse group of volunteer citizens of all political stripes have been working for the past ten years to overcome divisions, give everyone a voice and role, and improve the way we work together. We have been dealing in our city with the same issues that have divided our nation and now threaten our democracy. As a volunteer neighborhood leader working in that effort, it is clear to me that our national political and opinion leaders, as well as our Presidential candidates, do not fully understand the perspective from the neighborhood level in our city and are not speaking directly to the key problems that we feel have produced our political crisis. In the belief that we all need to work together to find the best way to address this crisis, I will try to articulate the perspective from the neighborhood level in a small city far from DC to add to this vital national conversation.

What are the main problems that we need to address to get out of this crisis? The answer seems obvious to us: our main problems are the deep divisions, the breakdown in trust, and the inability to work together to meet our challenges. Maybe we hold this view since we can still see each other as neighbors. We can imagine that, despite our differences, we do have a lot in common with each other and can find a way to work together. We can see that meeting the challenges we face in housing, homelessness, and climate change will depend on engaging citizens and working together with our government to meet these challenges. We can also see that without trust in each other and the ability to work together, our politics here in our city and at all levels of government will remain gridlocked and we will not be able to meet our challenges.

Our main problem is not health care, not climate change, not growing inequality, and not jobs. These are all crucial challenges that most of us know we must address, but, here at the neighborhood level, we can see that our ability to address these, and all of our issues, depends, first of all, on rebuilding the both trust and the institutions that we need to find common ground and work together. I know this is a position that will frustrate many, but I will ask you please to stay with me a bit longer. I am not arguing that we cannot address the challenges that threaten us. We must. But, if we can understand that our main problems are mistrust and our inability to work together, it would change the way we address these issues. And, if I am right, taking this approach might actually be the only way to effectively address them.

Building a movement now to fight for something like Medicare for All or the Green New Deal, given our current divisions and mistrust, can only sound to large sections of our nation and to many of our citizens, like another scheme for power led by mistrusted political elites. This mistrust comes partly from the fact that our political and intellectual elites have been developing policies in Washington that have, consciously or not, benefited them and left many parts of the nation and most of its citizens behind. Too many of us are not ready for new policies and initiatives that we suspect will create more of the same inequality. We are looking for, and don’t know how to get, a new kind of politics that we feel includes and represents us.

That is the danger of Trump’s appeal: he promises to represent those left out, labels our current democracy as nothing but a cover for rule by elites, and offers an authoritarian politics to replace it. The best, and, given our level of distrust, maybe the only way to get past this crisis is for us to work together to demonstrate that is still possible to build a different kind of politics that better reflects our deepest democratic values, a politics that gives everyone a voice, helps us find common ground, and unites us to meet the pressing challenges we face.

Currently, none of the presidential candidates seem prepared to take this approach –not the candidates who call for a return to normalcy, not those who focus on bold new policy initiatives, not those who call for building a movement to challenge the influence of the wealthy and corporations –none of them are offering a plan that focuses on the work to heal our divisions and our ability to work together. They all seem to share the same old focus of gaining control of government and using it to enact policies that they believe will best serve the people. But, too many of us now believe that this approach has not included everyone and has not served us all of us. It has led, instead, to the deep crisis in trust that we are now in. We need to do better.

Ten years ago, we decided to make the issues of mistrust and division the focus for the work in our city. We have learned a lot from this work and are now focused on three tasks. First, we are working to build and empower neighborhood and community organizations throughout our city. These are the organizations we need to get us more engaged and to give us the chance to get to know each other and learn how to work together. Second, we are developing a new process for making key decisions in our city that will provide us all with a common and trusted source of information, give everyone a voice in these decisions, and create the opportunity to learn from each other across the city and find common ground. Third, we are working to transform our government so that instead of doing things for us, it works to support and partner with neighborhood and community organizations to do the work of the city.

What would it look like to make the work of overcoming our divisions and rebuilding trust the focus of our national politics? If we apply the same approach we have taken in our city to the national level, here are eight ideas that we, and all of our presidential candidates, might be discussing as a plan for healing our nation.

First, we would call on everyone to put aside their party affiliations and help to launch a broad non-partisan “Common Ground” effort to reaffirm the democratic vision and democratic values of our nation, to reaffirm our commitment to value and respect all of our diverse and uniquely valuable citizens and their communities and to build a democracy that returns citizens to the center of our politics. We would, together, acknowledge the deep divisions and lack of trust that exists among our communities. We would acknowledge the just anger and resentment of many of our communities that feel voiceless and neglected. We would acknowledge the pain caused by all the forms of discrimination that have excluded too many of us from full participation in our nation’s life. To begin the work to break down barriers among our communities and to engage all of us in the process of healing, we will call on all of our nation’s faith-based organizations, schools, community organizations and governments to join in our “Common Ground” initiative and reach out and get to know each other and to build bridges of understanding among all of our diverse communities. We will all take the time to find ways to visit and talk face-to-face with those we don’t know, especially those who are different from us.

 Second, to ensure the inclusions and the safety of all communities, we will join together to oppose all those who try to divide us and we will work together to overcome all forms of discrimination that exclude any of us from full participation in our national life. We will ensure that the full resources of the Federal, State, and local Governments will focus on protecting and ensuring that all of our diverse citizens and communities feel safe and secure in our nation.

 Third, we will protect the basic right of each citizen to vote and have an equal voice in the direction of our nation, we will enact legislation and constitutional amendments if necessary, to limit the unfair influence of money in our politics, eliminate gerrymandering designed to give unfair advantage to a party, and end all voter suppression.

 Fourth, we will launch a national effort to strengthen and empower local neighborhood and community organizations and provide them with the support and resources that they deserve as the foundation of our democracy. These local community and neighborhood organizations will give every citizen the opportunity to be a member of an organization that has the power and resources to take responsibility for where they live, an organization where we can get to know each other and practice and learn the democratic skills that are only true safeguard for a democracy.

 Fifth, we would all acknowledge the deep mistrust in our governments and public institutions that have not always worked in everyone’s interest and we would acknowledge that our political parties have too often promoted division and mistrust among us to gain power for themselves. We will commit to working to together to transform our governments and our parties so that they can regain our trust and work to support and partner with citizens and their local organization in the work of the nation.

 Sixth, we will begin a major “No Community Left Behind” to initiative, a Marshall plan for America, to provide resources and assistance to all of our stressed communities, both urban and rural, to help them to develop and implement community-based plans to strengthen and heal their communities. We will do whatever it takes to help all of our communities still suffering the consequences of racism and discrimination and all of our communities devasted by the effects of globalization. We understand the value of each community to all of us and we will demonstrate our commitment to our democratic values by our actions to leave no community behind.

 Seventh, to find a way to provide health care for all and to meet the challenge of climate change, we will begin a major, four-year effort to create a national consensus on, and begin the implementation of, plans to address these pressing challenges. While we work to find common ground on this work so that we can engage us all to meet these challenges, we will pass legislation to temporarily extend the Affordable Care Act and Medicaid to immediately provide health care for all and we will pass legislation to adopt a temporary plan to lower emissions of carbon dioxide to ensure that we can meet future goals required to protect our planet once we have our fully developed plan. To develop the consensus and long-term plan for a national effort to address these issues, we will develop a new process for reaching consensus that places citizens at the center and allows policies to develop from communities not from Washington. We will organize informed face-to-face discussions throughout our nation in all of our neighborhoods, faith-based institutions, schools, neighborhood, and community organizations to tap into the wisdom and experience of all of our citizens for ideas on how to address these key issues. The plans we develop will give all of us a role in addressing these crucial challenges. We will overcome the fact that we don’t currently share a trusted source of information and shared facts by convening panels of citizens to work with experts to provide us with the unbiased information and the options that we all will need to have informed discussions on health care and climate change. We will provide opportunities for citizens from all of our communities come together to exchange ideas and find the common ground we need to succeed, culminating in a national citizens congress that will be tasked with making recommendations to congress for legislation. Working together on this major initiative to address these pressing challenges will give us the opportunity to get to know and learn from each other and restore our ability to work together to meet all other challenges.

 And, eighth, we will call on all of our educational institutions from elementary to college and university to restore civic education to the center of all of our schools to reflect our central democratic values. We need to prepare our youth to become the citizens we need and to engage all of our youth in the work to restore our democracy and address our challenges.

 A plan like this would give us nothing less than a chance to build a democracy for the 21st Century. It would require a very significant commitment of resources, time, and effort on the part of all of us. But it is exactly this kind of effort that would give us the opportunity to get to know each other, rebuild trust, and renew the common vision of a shared democratic community that we desperately need. The commitment of our time and resources on major action to address the needs of our communities left behind would demonstrate that we really are committed to a democratic community that leaves no one behind. And our work to find common ground and address our health care and climate change challenges would demonstrate the power and potential of our democracy. As we work on these initiatives, we would learn that democracy is not a spectator sport –It both requires and rewards participation. And we will discover again that life in a democratic community might just be better than life in the anxious and divided world that we now inhabit. If we seize this opportunity, we can turn away from division and build, instead, one of the world’s first truly diverse and inclusive democracies. Given the state of the world, the crisis in our democracies, and the rise of authoritarianism, this would be the best gift we could give to the world.

Lessons from our history might help us heal our democracy

The most basic faith that informed our view democracy from the start of our nation, our faith that “all are created equal”, contained two kinds of equality. First, was the idea that each of us deserves an equal chance to flourish and develop our potential to its fullest extent. Second was the idea that everyone has the capacity to make a significant and unique contribution to our shared common life and, especially, that we can all participate as equals in the shared task of maintaining our democracy. For most of our history, we managed to maintain our commitment to both of these ideas of equality.

Then, around the beginning of the 20th Century, we began to turn away from this belief in and our commitment to the two aspects of equality. This is when we started to sow the seeds for today’s crisis. Our understanding of equality in our democracy shifted towards a focus on everyone’s opportunity to flourish and away from everyone’s capacity to participate in the work and direction of a nation that creates this opportunity to flourish. Our two-sided view of equality was challenged by two reinforcing ideologies. First, the ideology of science and scientific knowledge, with its belief that only trained experts had the ability to manage our society, and, second, the new idea that average citizens, driven by emotion and lacking training, did not have the ability to manage society. There was strong opposition to this departure from our historical view of equality, but with our citizens divided by racism, nativism, and sexism and unable to resist, the broader view of equality was doomed. We then spent about a century until today building a nation based on this narrow view of equality.

We are now living with the results of this turn from our earlier conception of equality. We have created a culture that looks to entrepreneurs, managers, and technologists for answers to our problems. We need only look at who is rewarded in our current culture: our “talented individuals,” successful managers and politicians, stars, sports talents, celebrities, wealthy investors, leading scientists. Our consumer culture and media are overwhelmingly dominated by the rich, successful, and talented. We now see our talented individuals as the source of governance and management in all aspects of our life. There may be disagreements among our elites about how to guide our nation. Our free market and corporate managers look to capitalist enterprises to solve our problems; our liberal elites look to government to manage private enterprise and create policies and programs to spread the wealth. But this difference is really beside the point from the perspective of our democratic heritage expressed in “all are created equal.” We no longer have faith in the capacity of our citizens to participate meaningfully in governance and management. The vast majority of our citizens are now relegated to voting once every couple of years to decide who will run the country for them and professional politicians work with vast sums of money to try to even our voting.

There are three reasons that our abandonment of our original idea of equality was and is a mistake of historical significance. First, taking power away from citizens and concentrating it in our talented and scientifically trained leaders led inevitably, perhaps even unintentionally, to the use of that power to reward the talented and to maintain their position. We now have a new aristocracy, the 10% of us who have now rigged the system to ensure that their children will inherit their position of power and reward. As a result, we now have growing inequality and anger and resentment in communities that feel left out and left behind. In allowing this to happen, we ignored one of the main lessons from the long history of democracy: the lesson that the only real way to prevent the rise of an aristocracy and ultimately a tyranny, is to keep power in the hands of citizens since only they have the ability and the interest to understand and resist attempts to concentrate power in the hands of an elite.

Second, our view of the limited capacity of citizens to participate in the work of our nation has made us passive responders to government initiatives and passive employees of corporations. This has cut us off from the ideas, the energy and experience of that can only come from engaged and empowered citizens. This loss has made the great achievements of a united democracy impossible, and just when we need them. This is exactly what Tocqueville saw in our still limited democracy many years ago when he wrote, “Democracy does not give people the most skillful government, but what it does even the most skillful government is powerless to achieve: it spreads throughout society a restless activity, a superabundant strength, an energy that never exists without it, and which, if circumstances are even slightly favorable, can accomplish miracles.”

Third, and perhaps most relevant to the understanding of our current crisis, taking away the opportunity for citizens to participate in the work and management of our society, undercuts our very ability to maintain our democracy. Citizens disrespected and cut off from participation do not have the opportunity to develop the skills and knowledge necessary to maintain a democracy. They are left disconnected from each other and open to division and manipulation. Without active and empowered citizens, we can neither accomplish great things nor can we maintain our greatest accomplishment as a nation: the creation and maintenance of a democracy. Everyone, elites and citizens alike, suffers the same loss of capacity to maintain democracy because no one gets the opportunity to develop the special skills and knowledge they need to maintain democracy. Practicing democracy is what creates democratic citizens. When we stopped practicing democracy, those democratic skills and norms inevitably withered away in everyone.

If we want to learn from our history and maintain a democratic government and a democratic way of life, we will need to restore our faith that, as equals, we all have both the opportunity to reach our full potential and the opportunity participate meaningfully in the maintenance and management of our democratic society. This combination cannot be broken, both are needed to make the miracle of democracy possible. Our task today to escape from the crisis in our democracy is to restore our faith in both aspects of our belief that “all are created equal” and rebuild the norms and practices that make this fuller democracy possible. This work to rebuild a fuller democracy will be, just as our founding revolution, a democratic and not a class revolution. Almost all of our current “expert” elites would rather live in a democratic society with less inequality and more civility. Their expertise will still be valued in the democracy we create. Instead of working for the powerful, they will provide their skills and knowledge to citizens to help all of us work together to find the wisdom we need to guide the nation.

The work to build a new democracy today will be no more difficult than it was for our founders. We have all the resources and methods we need to rebuild a better politics. Experiments with putting citizens back to the center of our politics have been going on around the world and down in our neighborhoods and cities for some time. The work will not be easy and it will take time. We will have to overturn and reform all the practices and institutions that we have built for the past century to create our current meritocracy. We will have to find and develop creative new ways that fit today’s world to return citizens to the center of the decisions and work of the nation. That will be difficult but nothing we can do would be more meaningful and rewarding.

Did our abandonment of democracy contribute to today’s crisis?

It is pretty simple story, but one that very few in Washington can tell. It is the story that can be told and understood in neighborhoods across the nation where citizens can talk to each other, but it gets little coverage in our national media. It is a story that needs to be told because it can help to explain how we got to the current crisis in our democracy and because it can help us find a way past this crisis. Here is how it goes: in the beginning of the twentieth century, we took a sharp turn in the history of our democracy. This is the time when we began to lose faith in our democratic aspirations, our belief in government “by the people”. This is the time when we modified our belief in our Declaration’s radical claim that “all men (and women) are created equal” by adding a crucial limit to the end of this bold claim: equal “except for governing.” We began, instead, to believe that a democracy of engaged citizens was out of place in our increasingly large and complex world. We began to look to experts, professionals, and scientists to provide us with the answers we needed to shape our nation. And our experts and professionals doubled down on this shift by studying us and proving that that average citizens were uninformed, driven by passions, and could never be a source of the ideas and the wisdom we needed to guide our nation. This view of politics soon came to dominate and our idea of democracy shrank from government “by the people” to government “for the people”. Soon citizens were relegated to voting every couple of years to choose who would make decisions for them. Political scientists called this “democratic elitism” and it became the shared foundation for both of our political parties. From the start, there was strong opposition to this elitist challenge to our democratic aspirations but the deep and unfinished business of racism and nativism in our nation kept us divided and doomed this resistance. For some time, despite this turn from our democratic heritage, the new kind of politics worked pretty well and we were able to do some great things with this new approach: we defeated fascism and communism, established Medicare and Social Security, landed a man on the moon, and we grew our economy and prospered. Maybe our national consensus survived enough long enough to get these things done despite the new limits we placed on our democratic values.

But then something happened that began to take this story of our democracy in a new direction. Our new professionals, managers, and experts created a mass culture that justified their power and position and they began to use that power and position to prosper while the majority of us did not. Inequality increased dramatically and whole sections of our nation suffered deep and long-term losses in the new global economy. Too many of us felt powerless in the face of global forces that our prospering elites unleashed. To make matters worse, communities that did not prosper were labeled as backward and incapable of adapting to the modern world, partly because they held on to a different conception of community and democracy.

Then came the next and inevitable steps in this story. Towards of end of 20th century, some professional politicians realized that, with the right approach, the growing income and power disparities, our persistent racism, and the lack of respect suffered by many communities could be turned to anger against and resentment of urban elites, hardened into deep divisions, and  used as a means to gain power. Now we are living in and experiencing the final chapter of this story of our turn from democracy. We are suffering the full consequences of the decisions made many years ago. We are a now nation deeply divided and no longer able to find the common ground we need to address our nation’s challenges. We are a nation whose weakened democratic institutions and traditions are now seriously threatened by an authoritarian leaning President.

Telling this story could make a difference if it encourages us to reconsider some of the basic and hard-earned lessons from the long history of democracy. Maybe the first lesson to remember is the simple and obvious realization that power corrupts. How were we blinded by the value of the new science and knowledge and unable to see that relinquishing power and authority to the holders of these skills would inevitably end up with them using this power to their advantage? How did our experts and managers and inventors convince us that we should abandon our democratic heritage and reward their special talents with power? This is not a new story, just the latest in the long line of claims to privilege that the idea of democracy has always challenged –claims by philosopher kings, priests, warriors, kings, aristocrats, and the wealthy to a special claim on privilege and power. It is one of the fundamental insights of democracy that the best bulwark to any kind of tyranny is to vest power in the hands of those who will most feel the results of a tyranny, citizens. How could we have thrown that lesson to the wind?

And how could we have limited the basic democratic insight of our declaration that “all men (and women) are created equal”? This is the exactly the insight that we abandoned when we began to privilege the contribution of experts over the unique contribution that each one of us can make to public life. John Dewey, who was a witness and opponent to our turn from democracy got it right when he said, “In social and moral matters, equality does not mean mathematical equivalence. It means rather the inapplicability of considerations of greater and less, superior and inferior. It means that no matter how great the quantitative differences of ability, strength, position, wealth, such differences are negligible in comparison with something else –the fact of individuality, the manifestation of something irreplaceable.”

When we privileged our experts, we began to lose the irreplaceable contributions that all of us have to offer to our public life. And we lost the kind of community that is only possible in a democracy where everyone is treated with respect and encouraged to reach their full and unique potential and to use their talents to contribute to our public life. These kinds of democratic communities, whenever they have appeared in history, have always been marked by great periods of creativity, energy, and accomplishment. This is exactly what Tocqueville saw in our still limited democracy many years ago when he wrote, “Democracy does not give people the most skillful government, but what it does even the most skillful government is powerless to achieve: it spreads throughout society a restless activity, a superabundant strength, an energy that never exists without it, and which, if circumstances are even slightly favorable, can accomplish miracles.” We need these kinds of miracles today to meet our challenges. And we will need to return to our democratic heritage to be able to find those miracles.

Finally, we have to realize that the state of the world does not determine the possibility of democracy. The claim that the complexity of the modern world makes democracy outdated is a self-serving myth created by professionals. Sure, when the story of our turn from democracy was first posed at the beginning of the last century, there were a lot of problems with our democracy. Our cities were growing with waves of new immigrants from Europe and from our own south, most of whom never had the opportunity to experience democracy. There was corruption and there were severe problems caused by the rapid growth of our cities and factories. But the decision to turn from our democratic ideals and concentrate power in the hands of experts to address these concerns showed a basic misunderstanding of democracy. Democratic citizens are not born; they are made. Democracy and democratic practices create democracy. People learn democracy by doing democracy. Our nation had grown and urbanized but we did not grow and adapt the institutions and create the practices that would give citizens the chance to practice democracy and become democratic citizens in a new and very different world. We could have put our energy into creating the practices that would have made citizens out of our immigrants. But we did not have faith in the capacity of our new immigrants. Funny how elitism and racism often seem to go hand in hand.

To get out of this crisis, heal the divisions, tap again into the vast untapped resources of our citizens, and restore our ability to work together, we will need to begin the task of rebuilding our democracy. We cannot overcome the divisions and the mistrust in our nation if we don’t create opportunities for people to work together and get to know each other. You cannot give people the respect they need by doing things for them. We have to restore our democratic faith in the belief that real citizen participation in making decisions and real citizen participation in implementing decisions will produce the ideas and energy we need to move forward. Our experts and professionals and their hard-won specialized knowledge will still play a major role in our democracy, but it will be to inform citizens, not make the decisions for them.

Creating the practices and institutions that could give citizens meaningful involvement in the work of our towns, cities and our nation is possible. In fact, the work to create these new kinds of democratic practices is well underway across the world. You may not have heard about all this work, but it is there. It just isn’t recognized because it doesn’t fit with the dominant “democracy is out of date” political narrative. Just take a look and you will see it taking shape somewhere in your town or city.

And now the amazing news. If we can learn from the story of our turn from democracy and if can relearn the lessons of democracy, we will realize that we now have an unprecedented opportunity to write a new chapter in our nation’s story of democracy. Because of the hard work and sacrifices of so many of our citizens who have fought and are continuing to fight today to ensure that everyone is included in our community, we now have, for the first time ever, the ability to create the kind of democracy that our founders could only dream of. If we succeed we will restore our commitment to our belief in government “by the people” and to our declaration’s bold claim that “All men (and women) are created equal” and create the world’s first truly diverse, truly inclusive democracy. That would give us the capacity to do most anything. That would be a gift to the world and to our children worth fighting for.